Until recently, Windrush was probably a name that resonated
mainly among the Afro-Caribbean community, political activists and students of
British social history. In 2018, it has become a household discussion point, synonymous
with scandal and the appalling mistreatment of a community that deserved
respect and admiration.
There is no need to rehearse the detail here, as it has been
covered extensively across the media in recent weeks. We have listened to
stories of personal tragedy, bureaucratic intransigence and the creation of an
environment so ‘hostile’ that it led to people being harassed and even deported
with no just cause.
The furore has engulfed Theresa May’s government and rightly
so. It’s led to the resignation of one of her most senior ministers and trusted
allies.
But there is one shocking revelation that has attracted relatively little attention.
Recent opinion polls show that Windrush has seemingly had no
impact on levels of Conservative Party support.
ICM, YouGov and Ipsos MORI tell us broadly the same story.
After all the relentless coverage, all the outrage, all the emotion and all the
government incompetence, we are left with zero political effect.
Zilch.
Zip.
And this is the hardest lesson of all from the Windrush
affair. One that the London media bubble doesn’t understand and the Westminster
cognoscenti try desperately to ignore.
The UK still has a fundamental problem with issues of race
and immigration, particularly outside the big cosmopolitan cities.
In YouGov tracker polls, immigration and asylum is the biggest
issue named by respondents after Brexit and health. (Brexit, incidentally, is
head and shoulders above the other issues, although we could argue that
immigration played no small part in the culture that gave birth to the referendum.)
More people name immigration as an important issue than
choose the economy. It’s highlighted by a greater number of respondents than education and the
environment combined.
This should make us think a little more critically about the
whole Windrush saga and the context which gave rise to it.
Yes, Theresa May created what came to be known as the ‘hostile
environment’. But did she really start it? Labour – despite being much more
open to immigration in the Blair era – felt the pressure build during the first
decade of this century and started to modify its position. A number of the terrible
stories of Kafkaesque persecution of British citizens pre-date the Coalition
government of 2010.
And how has Labour’s position on immigration developed in
the eight years since it lost office?
Remember Ed Milband’s pledge mug in 2015?
Remember Ed Milband’s pledge mug in 2015?
What about Jeremy Corbyn’s rhetoric on migrant workers,
which some have likened in tone to that of Nigel Farage?
Diane Abbott, when questioned the other day by Piers Morgan,
seemed unable to articulate a clear policy on illegal immigration.
And here’s where things become very sticky. Theresa May is
probably absolutely right in her assumption that while people are shocked by
the treatment of the Windrush generation and their descendants, this concern does
not translate into a generalised desire for more liberal immigration policies.
Perhaps Labour can formulate a policy on illegal immigration
that is different from May’s, yet still wins the support of the wider
population and Labour’s heartland voters. But it’s difficult to imagine how.
And the situation is made even messier in that people’s
attitudes towards perfectly legal immigrants
– those from EU nations such as Poland, Bulgaria and Romania – is often
shamefully resentful and occasionally downright hostile.
As a nation, we look with horror at the endemic racism that still
pervades political discourse and community life in the USA. We feel our
multicultural society to be superior to the more ghettoised and confrontational
culture many would argue exists across the Channel.
But when are we going to face up to the fact that we still
have a fundamental problem of our own?
Comments
Post a Comment